Sunday, October 13, 2024

Data Scrubbing or Vigilante Election Interference?

A local news story in Bryan County, Georgia provides a disturbing look into the strategies being pursued across multiple states to interfere at wholesale volumes with the voting rights of legitimate registered voters. The story involves a request submitted by a single citizen to purge 859 voters from the county's voter rolls. The county attorney followed the law, notified those affected by the suggested purge and participated in a hearing in front of the county election board. Roughly 100 citizens attended that meeting, the county attorney presented his analysis of the request and its validity and the election board voted to REJECT the ENTIRE request.

This incident is not only maddening in its particulars but it is a reflection of a more harmful trend with conservative legislative trends in controversial areas of policy that shift the point of origination of criminal accusations or enforcement of ordinances from appointed public officials and those in law enforcement to the general public.

The Applicable State Law

Georgia State law includes a provision in Section 21-2-229 that allows ANY voter within a county to challenge the voting eligibility of any OTHER voter in the same county by filing a formal notice with the county. The applicable statute can be read here:

https://law.justia.com/codes/georgia/title-21/chapter-2/article-6/section-21-2-229/

but the gist of it is this:

  • Any Georgia voter ("elector") can submit a challenge to the local election board regarding the eligibility of any other voter in the same county to vote
  • There is no limit to the number of voters whose eligibility can be challenged
  • The county election board has ten business days from receipt of the request to conduct a hearing
  • The county election board must notify those challenged within that same ten business day interval
  • The burden of proof lies with the person challenging eligibility
  • Any voter ruled ineligible has ten business days to submit an appear

Most notably, nothing in the statute establishes any "freeze" period prior to any election during which voter rolls are protected from potential mass changes. In theory, any voter can submit thousands of claims 23 days prior to an election, and given the intervals dictated for initial notification (10 days), formal notification via US mail of a decision (3 days maybe) and time required for appeal (10 days), a voter removed under false pretenses would lose their right to vote with no practical way to restore their right prior to an election.

The Complaint

In this Bryan County matter, a woman named Jenifer Hilburn submitted her list on September 19, 2024 as an Excel spreadsheet. Per the attorney, the spreadsheet was not manually compiled by Hilburn after methodical, manual due diligence. Instead, he stated it appears to have been downloaded from a third-party web site of a commercial data broker that blends data from other online public records. Here is what Hilburn stated in her submission to the county:

https://statesboroherald.cdn-anvilcms.net/media/documents/Voter_Challenge_Bryan_County_Redacted.pdf

First, she starts off with what in hindsight may easily prove to be a false statement:

I, Jenifer Dawn Hilburn, attest that I am a registered voter in Bryan County residing at (redacted), Richmond Hill, GA 31324. My voter registration number is (redacted). I further attest that I have personal knowledge of the manner in which these documents were prepared, and that they were not generated in a systemic manner.

She then provides bullets to describe the different "match buckets" that resulted from her "analysis":

  • Of the 859 voters included in the list, 2 are being challenged on the basis that the address associated with their voter registration is invalid either on the basis that it does not exist in the jurisdiction (i.e., “123 Address Way”) or because it appears to be located out-ofstate.
  • Of the 859 voters included in the list, 115 are being challenged on the basis that they both: appear on the National Change of Address (NCOA) database and there has been an application for a homestead exemption at the new address indicated on their NCOA application.
  • Of the 859 voters included in the list, 381 are being challenged on the basis that they both: appear on the National Change of Address (NCOA) database and have registered to vote in another jurisdiction. Their new voter registration was matched by crossreferencing the address listed in NCOA and the voter’s first and last name on the new voter registration.
  • Of the 859 voters included in the list, 361 are being challenged on the basis that their registration is associated with an address that is not coded or zoned for a residential purpose or use (e.g., it is zoned as being a restricted industrial zone).

Pitfalls of Bulk Scrubbing of Name / Address Data

These descriptions all appear very logical on the surface but those with data scrubbing experience with large datasets can recognize the problems lurking. Here are some examples.

Matching on (firstname + lastname) combinations? Did "Jim Smith" enter his name as "Jim Smith" or "James Smith" or "Jimmy Smith"? Did "Nate Bargatze" enter his name as "Nate Bargatze" or "Nathan Bargatze" or "Nathaniel Bartgatze"? How about Dan, Danny or Daniel? You can see the complications that arise. People may not use the same level of formality on voter registrations as they do a change-of-address form with the post office. And your name is not as unique as you might think.

Using the National Change of Address (NCOA) database? Data in the NCOA database is only retained for 48 months so it cannot be used as a definitive source to "catch up" on a scrub of voter rolls that have not been properly periodically revalidated. If you think you've notified all the banks and businesses you care about of your move directly and don't care who gets your junk mail that remains, you aren't REQUIRED to fill out a change of address form so the ABSENCE of a record in the NCOA database can't be used in a logical decision to invalidate a voter roll entry. But the PRESENCE of a record is still subject to the (firstname + lastname) problems above.

The logic used when matching against NCOA isn't crystal clear either. If the Bryan County voter rolls were stored in table oldvoterrolls, any NEW voter registrations they consulted were in a table newvoterrolls and the post office change of addresses were stored in a table changeofaddress, the data might look like this:

MariaDB [mock]> select * from oldvoterrolls;
+----------+-------+----------+-----------+---------------------+-------+-------+-------+
| voter_id | fname | lname    | ssn       | address             | city  | state | zip   |
+----------+-------+----------+-----------+---------------------+-------+-------+-------+
|        1 | Jim   | Smith    | 500119999 | 1313 Mockingbird Ln | Bryan | GA    | 31324 |
|        2 | Jim   | Smith    | 500229999 | 2112 Rush St        | Bryan | GA    | 31325 |
|        3 | Nate  | Bargatze | 500339999 | 1999 Prince Ave     | Bryan | GA    | 31323 |
|        4 | Dave  | Jones    | 500669999 | 1492 Columbus Ave   | Bryan | GA    | 31322 |
+----------+-------+----------+-----------+---------------------+-------+-------+-------+
4 rows in set (0.000 sec)

MariaDB [mock]> select * from newvoterrolls;
+----------+--------+----------+-----------+----------------+-------+-------+-------+
| voter_id | fname  | lname    | ssn       | address        | city  | state | zip   |
+----------+--------+----------+-----------+----------------+-------+-------+-------+
|      101 | Jim    | Smith    | 500119999 | 461 Ocean Blvd | Miami | FL    | 33101 |
|      102 | Jim    | Smith    | 500449999 | 555 Maple Ln   | Miami | FL    | 33102 |
|      103 | Nathan | Bargatze | 500339999 | 3434 Oak St    | Miami | FL    | 33103 |
+----------+--------+----------+-----------+----------------+-------+-------+-------+
3 rows in set (0.000 sec)

MariaDB [mock]> select * from changeofaddress;
+---------+-------+-------+-----------+---------------------+-------------+----------+--------+----------------+---------+----------+--------+
| ncoa_id | fname | lname | ssn       | oldaddress          | oldcity     | oldstate | oldzip | newaddress     | newcity | newstate | newzip |
+---------+-------+-------+-----------+---------------------+-------------+----------+--------+----------------+---------+----------+--------+
|     101 | Jim   | Smith | 500119999 | 1313 Mockingbird Ln | Bryan       | GA       | 31324  | 461 Ocean Blvd | Miami   | FL       | 33101  |
|     102 | Dave  | Jones | 500779999 | 1968 Truth Way      | Los Angeles | CA       | 90210  | 467 Ocean Blvd | Miami   | FL       | 33101  |
+---------+-------+-------+-----------+---------------------+-------------+----------+--------+----------------+---------+----------+--------+
2 rows in set (0.000 sec)

MariaDB [mock]>

Note that I've included a column for SSN to allow the uniqueness of each name overlap to be preserved, even when that value itself wasn't tracked in these databases. More on that in a minute.

Given these three table structures, the SELECT query to find a list of candidates for removal might look like this:

SELECT n.voter_id as newvoterid,n.fname as newfname,n.lname as newlname,
       o.voter_id, o.fname, o.lname, o.address, o.city, o.state, o.zip,
       o.ssn as oldssn,n.ssn as newssn,c.ssn as possn
FROM newvoterrolls as n
LEFT JOIN changeofaddress as c ON (
   (n.address = c.newaddress) AND
   (n.city    = c.newcity) AND
   (n.fname   = c.fname) AND
   (n.lname   = c.lname)
   )
LEFT JOIN oldvoterrolls as o ON (
   (o.address = c.oldaddress) AND
   (o.city    = c.oldcity) AND
   (o.fname   = c.fname) AND
   (o.lname   = c.lname)
   )
WHERE o.voter_id IS NOT NULL\G

The results of this query look like this:

*************************** 1. row ***************************
newvoterid: 101
  newfname: Jim
  newlname: Smith
  voter_id: 1
     fname: Jim
     lname: Smith
   address: 1313 Mockingbird Ln
      city: Bryan
     state: GA
       zip: 31324
    oldssn: 500119999
    newssn: 500119999
     possn: 500119999
1 row in set (0.000 sec)

MariaDB [mock]>

In the mock data, there WAS a "Jim Smith" (with underlying SSN=50011999) who

  • appeared in the old voter rolls
  • appeared in the change of address database as moving from an old address on the old voter rolls to a new address seen in new voter rolls elsewhere
  • had those old/new addresses appear along with his fname / lname in the change of address database

So this query appears to be "correct." As far as it goes…

But read the description of the logic used by the woman who submitted the list of suspect registrations:

Their new voter registration was matched by crossreferencing the address listed in NCOA and the voter’s first and last name on the new voter registration.

That SOUNDS like it is possible the final join may have only keyed on fname / lname. What happens if the final match criteria omits the city and address?

SELECT n.voter_id as newvoterid,n.fname as newfname, n.lname as newlname,
       o.voter_id, o.fname, o.lname, o.address, o.city, o.state, o.zip,
       o.ssn as oldssn,n.ssn as newssn,c.ssn as possn
FROM newvoterrolls as n
LEFT JOIN changeofaddress as c ON (
   (n.address = c.newaddress) AND
   (n.city    = c.newcity) AND
   (n.fname   = c.fname) AND
   (n.lname   = c.lname)
   )
LEFT JOIN oldvoterrolls as o ON (
   (o.fname   = c.fname) AND
   (o.lname   = c.lname)
   )
WHERE o.voter_id IS NOT NULL\G

The query returns a second FALSE match on the "Jim Smith" with SSN=500229999 in the oldvoterrolls because the change of address record involving the 50011999 version of Jim Smith was only joined back to the oldvoterrolls table by (fname/lname) which matched on BOTH "Jim Smith" entries in that table.

*************************** 1. row ***************************
newvoterid: 101
  newfname: Jim
  newlname: Smith
  voter_id: 1
     fname: Jim
     lname: Smith
   address: 1313 Mockingbird Ln
      city: Bryan
     state: GA
       zip: 31324
    oldssn: 500119999
    newssn: 500119999
     possn: 500119999
*************************** 2. row ***************************
newvoterid: 101
  newfname: Jim
  newlname: Smith
  voter_id: 2
     fname: Jim
     lname: Smith
   address: 2112 Rush St
      city: Bryan
     state: GA
       zip: 31325
    oldssn: 500229999
    newssn: 500119999
     possn: 500119999
2 rows in set (0.000 sec)

MariaDB [mock]>

You learn when doing this type of database work to print out all unique columns across your table sources when creating the logic for a query to spot these "false matches" based on overly lax criteria. Just because the output structure of a query LOOKS correct, the underlying join can reflect logical flaws that may not be evident in the output you chose to display.

In this case, a logical flaw like this that went undetected and unchallenged could have resulted in denying the right to vote to the second 50022999 version of "Jim Smith". This list of challenges was submitted on September 19, 2024 and finally gained a hearing on October 10, 2024, less than 30 days before the election.

Use of zoning codes for addresses or ZIPs? This is the type of third party data that Jenifer Hilburn could NOT have verified on her own. If you have ever worked in e-commerce or in the telecommunications industry where the ability to install and deliver service is based on exact physical location and proximity to other infrastructure, you know that taking an ADDRESS as a data point and attempting to map it to exact (latitude, longitude) or map it to a county or city boundary is NOT an exact science when done from afar. Unless you physically walk to each mailbox, physically check your GPS location on a phone and audit every address, many third-party databases claiming to provide this "geo-coding" data are only approximately correct and they usually lag reality by 6-12 months. These databases rely in part upon plat plans being filed for subdivisions, construction permits being filed for specific lots, etc.

The Outcome in This Case

The county attorney presenting the challenge for review by the election board spent much of his time explaining the legal obligations of both the election board members to process these requests and explaining that the burden of proof lies with the person filing the action, NOT those appearing on the list. He then noted that the person who submitted the request failed to attend the hearing, presenting no additional evidence or explanation to justify her findings. That was met with frustrated laughter by nearly everyone in attendance. At that point, the attorney ceded control of the meeting to the chair who called a motion to reject the request which was approved unanimously by the entire board.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=flnGlMFO0fA

So what was the point of this particular effort? If Jenifer Hilburn had no intent to attend the hearing to provide supplemental proof of the validity of her recommendations, what was accomplished? From a rational citizen's perspective, this was just a hassle to the citizens involved and a waste of time for the county attorney and the election board. From the perspective of those trying to taint the perception of elections and physically throw sand in the gears, the goals were likely quite different.

The election law involved in Georgia stems from changes made in 2021 by forces in the state who supported Donald Trump's fake elector scheme. Since the law is so new, it appears no one was sure how clearly the law's provisions would be understood… OR FOLLOWED by any particular local election board. Bryan County sits on the Atlantic coast south of Savannah and is an island of core Republican support surrounded by areas that tend towards an even split or Democratic support. Was Jenifer Hilburn's request an attempt to test processes under this law in her county to see how lax they would be? Was it an attempt to set a marker for later allegations of voter fraud that could be used to delay election certifications in that county as part of a larger scheme across the state?

In this particular case, despite Bryan County appearing to be a "bright red" jurisdiction, there is zero sign anyone involved with this case at the county level supported this petition or thought it had ANY merit. The vocal roll call on the motion to dismiss the request indicated nearly unanimous frustration with this blatant attempt to arbitrarily toss people off the voter rolls.

Two conclusions appear obvious in this case. As a first conclusion, Hilburn was not supplying evidence worthy of being taken seriously if she found 859 suspect cases yet was unwilling to attend a hearing to explain her logic and underlying validation process. Even if one gives her the benefit of the doubt that SOME work was performed to join database A with B then to C, it seems clear she lacked the technical sophistication to include extra controls in the process to avoid "false joins" amid notoriously flawed data.

The second conclusion is that these types of "vigilante" laws being pushed by conservatives are SERIOUSLY flawed in both a legal and ethical sense. Turning average citizens into amateur data scientists and turning them loose on flawed, un-audited data to create proof for crackpot theories is legally flawed because it is essentially handing over part of PUBLIC ("group") power to INDIVIDUALS who lack the expertise and ACCOUNTABILITY to exercise even partial control of such vast powers. These types of vigilante activism are ethically wrong because they are allowing corrupt politicians to outsource their dirty work to individual citizens while preserving deniability when individual citizens wind up infringing the rights of other citizens. But do not be misled. Such cases of citizenry going out of bounds against other citizenry isn't a FLAW of these laws, it's a FEATURE in the eyes of those proposing these laws. It creates the fear, uncertainty and lack of trust desired while shielding those benefiting from it from legal consequences when abuses actually occur.


WTH

Wednesday, October 09, 2024

Advise and Consent in the Modern American Era

Rhode Island Senator Sheldon Whitehouse announced results from a nearly six-year investigation his office undertook regarding the investigations performed by the FBI during the nomination process for Brett Kavanaugh. Kavanaugh's nomination looked like the typical partisan charade between conservatives and liberals until a former classmate came forward with an allegation of a physical sexual assault that took place in high school and another woman came forward with an allegation of inappropriate sexual conduct in college. And of course, there was THE BEER. After the initial sexual allegations, "further investigations" were performed by the FBI, summarized to the Senate Judiciary Committee and the nomination went to the floor and was approved.

Since that confirmation, Sheldon Whitehouse has been conducting an investigation into the conduct of both the FBI at the time and the Trump Administration, getting stonewalled for most of the period. Whitehouse finally released a report on his findings. A short press release was issued on his website at this link:

https://www.whitehouse.senate.gov/news/release/whitehouse-unveils-report-examining-failures-of-supplemental-background-investigation-of-justice-brett-kavanaugh/

The entire report is available here:

https://www.whitehouse.senate.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/KavanaughReport_final.pdf

The key procedural takeaway from the investigation is very direct.

Third, although the Trump Administration and the FBI assured the Senate that the FBI’s investigation was being conducted "by the book," they failed to disclose that there was actually no "book" at all. The FBI produced no written protocols for supplemental background investigations, saying it was merely acting as the "agent" for the White House in such matters. Although this undisclosed practice of requiring step-by-step instructions from the White House for supplemental background investigations may be appropriate for following up on discrete, relatively minor questions that routinely arise during a nominee’s initial background investigation, it was uniquely inappropriate for investigating the serious, high-profile allegations against Kavanaugh. Not only did this practice enable the Trump Administration to kneecap FBI investigators’ ability to adequately investigate those allegations, but the lack of transparency misled the Senate and the public about the investigation’s thoroughness.

But here is the bombshell...

The FBI did not pursue information reported to it through the FBI’s "tip line." The FBI held out this tip line to the Senate and the public as proof of the supplemental background investigation’s thoroughness. In reality, however, the FBI simply sorted Kavanaugh-related tips from general tip-line trafc and forwarded the tips it collected from the tip line to the Trump White House, without any investigation.

Former classmates or friends of Ford, Ramirez, and Kavanaugh reported difficulty getting the FBI to respond to their outreach, or finding someone at the FBI to whom they could convey their information. After being unable to speak to anyone or after being redirected to and from FBI field offices, many people resorted to the agency’s online and telephonic "tip line." The FBI reported receiving "over 4,500 tips, including phone calls and electronic submissions," related to the Kavanaugh supplemental background investigation. None were investigated or even screened for indicia of credibility.

Stop and think about that for a moment. After the allegations made by Christine Blasey Ford became public, over FORTY FIVE HUNDRED other people contacted the FBI tip line with information presumably regarding that specific allegation or allegations of similar weight. I'm not sure I even know 4500 different people. I'm not sure 4500 people know ME by name. I'm quite sure there are not 4500 people willing to contact an FBI tip line to provide any information on me, pro or con. Yet 4500 people reached out and called the supposed FBI tip line established for the Kavanaugh "investigation."

Yet the process set up to handle those tips was a COMPLETE sham and the job involved was a lifetime appointment to the Supreme Court, not a county council seat or local charity board. It is bad enough the information was not used by the FBI itself to further verify the claims of inappropriate behavior and keep a morally / ethically deficient nominee off of the Supreme Court. In reality, the information was likely used by those pushing his nomination to ensure media defenses were ready in case any tipster went public in frustration after seeing no perceptible change in direction in the nomination.

This is the state of public discourse around some of the most important and powerful roles in our entire society. Which suggests a "tip" for anyone in the future finding themselves aware of disqualifying information for any future nominee to any position of power. If you have information, don't call the FBI tip line. Call your Senator and Representative (regardless of their party affiliation) to ensure they are accountable for knowing the information you have. Then call a media outlet. At this point, as Whitehouse points out, no one is going "by the book" inside government. It's been a sham for decades.


WTH

Wednesday, October 02, 2024

The Revised Battle Plan for Trump

Jack Smith filed his motion to explain his rationale for continuing the prosecution of Donald Trump for the events of January 6 in light of new immunity protections defined for Presidents by the Supreme Court. Judge Tanya Chutkan reviewed Smith's motion and Trump's counter-motion over the weekend and decided to release Smith's redacted version to the public for review. The redacted motion can be viewed at this link:

https://www.washingtonpost.com/documents/3e401ee1-1a33-4961-8b15-94348d010a5f.pdf?itid=lk_inline_manual_4

Other commentators have been labeling the document as a bombshell. My take is that is is actually NOT a bombshell, for one reason. The public knew Smith likely had vast amounts of damning evidence against Trump and his eventual co-conspirators. That's not a bombshell. If there's a bombshell to this document, it is the fact that Smith has had to alter very little of the entire case in light of the immunity ruling. Only one actor disappears from the indictment and possibly two bits of evidence disappear from the case. But literally dozens of names and dozens of actions remain in the case while Smith makes the argument that immunity plays no role in protecting these actors or evidence of their actions.


Dismantling Immunity Claims

Section I spells out many of the events Smith plans on referencing in the actual trial and provides eighty one double-spaced pages of information regarding specific actions and conversations between various parties. More on some of these details will be discussed later. Section II of the document is really the heart of the filing Smith was obliged to provide to the court and outlines his rationale for why charges and related evidence in the case should remain and go to trial. Section III then itemizes the different categories of actors and communications to provide more explicit justification for why they remain in the case.

The legal framework section starts with this observation:

These principles for assessing whether the conduct alleged in the superseding indictment is immune apply equally to evidence. The Government may not introduce evidence of immunized official conduct against a former President at a trial, even to prove that the former President committed a crime predicated on unofficial conduct.

Smith states that the only actions in the original indictment that explicitly meet the criteria established by the USSC for immunity involved communications between Trump and Jeffrey Clark and between Trump and some other DOJ officials. So those indictments were dropped from the case.

Smith then states that everything else in the indictment -- both charges and evidence -- still remain. Specifically:

  • Trump's interactions with Pence as VP are not protected by immunity because the VP has no actual power in the electoral college process and his actions in the process are unrelated to Presidential functions and powers
  • Trump's interactions with Pence as a candidate are not protected by immunity because campaign activity itself is not related to the exercise of power of an office
  • interactions between Pence's staff member P58 and CC2 (Eastman) were unofficial acts outside the protection of presidential immunity
  • Trump's direct interactions with various state officials were unofficial acts outside the protection of presidential immunity because the President has zero authority over the administration of any elections
  • Even if the court somehow determines these contacts with state officials were official, the prosecution can rebut the presumption of immunity
  • Trump's public speeches and social media communications were unofficial

This companion document to Smith's superseding indictment in light of the USSC immunity ruling reflects a few key outcomes for the actors involved and the country.

First, Jack Smith concisely argues that the Supreme Court's immunity ruling has virtually zero impact on the original indictment filed in the case. The only two elements Smith removed from the case based on that new immunity ruling involved conversations Trump had with Jeffrey Clark in the DOJ and other conversations Trump had with DOJ officials. That's TWO elements of the case out of literally dozens of actions involving six co-conspirators.

Second, Jack Smith lays out an argument that all of the remaining actions charged in the indictment and all of the evidence at hand related to those actions are unprotected by the Supreme Court's synthesized presumptive immunity protection because none of the actions taken by Trump involve his official duties as President and all of them explicitly involve responsibilities of state governments that have nothing to do with the President. In the same train of thought, Smith goes further to explain that even if the judge rules these areas of activity still qualify for a presumption of immunity, he can confidently argue any argument for immunity can be rebutted.

Those two takeaways suggest other eventualities likely to come about as this process iterates through the next phases of litigation. First, given Smith's conclusions that virtually no aspect of the core case qualified for the John Roberts Get-Out-Of-Jail-Free card treatment, one could argue that the Supreme Court's involvement in this case served no actual legal purpose and only served to benefit Trump by simply delaying the inevitable and giving Trump a chance to possibly win re-election before the trial reached a crucial tipping point that could further jeopardize Trump's freedom.

Of course, after Judge Chutkan reviews the Smith motion and Trump's counter-motion and rules on it, Trump's team will immediately appeal any decision to go forward with the trial. Since the basis for appeal involves claims of immunity to AVOID prosecution in the first place, this appeal will freeze the criminal trial (AGAIN) until the appellate court rules, just like the original appeal. And just like the first go around, if the appeals court rules in favor of the prosecution, Trump will immediately appeal to the Supreme Court, freezing the actual trial (AGAIN) until they rule. At that point, the Republican majority on the Court will have another bite at the apple, having a clear roadmap on the sane arguments already made to dance around them to find yet other rationalizations for maintaining their doctrine of immunity.

The most disconcerting takeaway from this revised indictment and motion regarding actions and evidence related to "official actions" is that the worst lesson has probably already been learned by future corrupt leaders. The next time you want to go criming, ensure you've appointed enough criminals IN YOUR CABINET to accomplish your goals and use them for the wet work. Sure, the Supreme Court has maintained immunity does not attach to non-existent powers or illegal acts but the Supreme Court has also essentially established a default "taint" for any evidence of immunized conduct, preventing its use in proving crimes NOT protected by immunity. If the only evidence of a crime exists in Administration controlled channels, a President can simply claim communications related to those crimes are related to "core official acts" and prevent their use in court or even discovery. This can drastically limit the availability of evidence to use in prosecuting a corrupt President for acts unprotected by immunity.


Political Takeaways

This filing obviously has important legal impacts on this case and the conduct of future Presidents. It also provides a reminder of the number of other actors involved in this conspiracy up to their eyeballs who are currently un-indicted co-conspirators. There are at least six co-conspirators Smith has identified who appear in this document as:

CC1 Rudy Giuliani
CC2 John Eastman
CC3 Sidney Powell
CC5 Kenneth Chesebro
CC6 Boris Epshteyn

Note that CC4 doesn't actually appear in this motion document which seems to confirm that co-conspirator #4 in the the original indictment was DOJ official Jeffrey Clark. He has vanished from this revised indictment because the evidence available to charge him is direct communication between a President and his own administrative officials and was thus protected by the Supreme Court's new immunity protection.

There are also other parties merely labeled Pnn, many of who were Republican State government officials and legislators who were contacted by Trump's private team in the course of filing bogus charges of fraud and went through some of the motions but quickly dug in and refused to cooperate in the absence of ANY evidence of Trump's claims. However, one party in the document stands out. P39 in the document is clearly RNC Chairwoman Rona McDaniel. The litany of events and evidence summarized in the motion references P39 quite frequently and she seemed to be another incarnation of Mark Meadows. Someone in the middle of a significant volume of communication about criminal acts who was more than willing to keep the memos and text messages flowing among all of the co-conspirators and lackeys across the Republican Party.

Her deep involvement in the flurry of communications between the Trump campaign and the core Republican Party seems a bit off, given the pearl-clutching demonstrated by her father Mitt Romney as he bemoaned how MAGA fanatics have destroyed his traditional country-club loving, private-equity friendly Republican Party of yore. Mitt, if you were that concerned watching your party go to hell in a handbasket, maybe you should have called a family meeting and had a philosophical chat with your own daughter.

Here's a reference to Wisconsin Senator Ron Johnson:

Later that morning, CC5 worked with another attorney for the defendant, who contacted a U.S. Senator to ask him to obtain the fraudulent Wisconsin and Michigan documents from the U.S. Representative’s office and hand-deliver them to the Vice President.

And don't forget. There are one hundred and six Republican members of Congress who were serving in December 2020 who signed a joint amicus brief sent to the Supreme Court arguing ON BEHALF OF arguments that would have allowed state legislatures to selectively reject their own electoral college slates and replace them with another if they objected to anything altered by other government officials (Governors, Secretary of State, Attorney General, etc.) during the execution of the state's election. Most of them are still in power and likely to win re-election.


WTH

Debates and Dogs

(...no, a different Dogs context)

If one had "watched" the Vice Presidential debate in the sense of having it on in the family room while attending to other tasks in another room, the first impression would have been that Vance came out on top. He sounded relaxed, words combined with other words according to recognizable patterns of grammar, syntax and meaning and he sounded like a rational person. Walz sounded a bit nervous and the folksy schtick grows tiring quickly.

If one had actually watched the debate with full attention, Vance's performance appeared much more disconcerting. And that's what it was, a performance. Didja notice how calmly he looked right into the camera and stated that Trump led a bi-partisan effort to save the Affordable Care Act? Or how, without batting an eye, he repeated the lie that Minnesota's laws allow "abortion after birth" and abortion up to nine months? Each time this claim is made, the person making the claim is clearly implying elective abortions are allowed (encouraged?) to term. That's not what is happening. No woman is purposely waiting until the third trimester to abort a pregnancy they don't want. While fact-checking the Trump/Harris debate, Minnesota Public Radio reported on the change to Minnesota's abortion laws after the Dobbs decision:

https://www.mprnews.org/episode/2024/09/11/minnesota-mentions-trump-harris-presidential-debate

The move was in response to the U.S. Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade and several states enacting abortion bans or stringent restrictions. DFL lawmakers, abortion providers and patients said viability bans elsewhere could cause problems for women with wanted pregnancies that experience devastating health problems late in their pregnancies like a miscarriage.

And while opponents of looser abortion laws raise concerns about abortions late in pregnancy, it’s worth noting that they are extremely rare. According to state data, in the last five years just seven induced abortions have been reported in the third trimester of pregnancy.

(NOTE: DFL is an acronym for Democrat-Farmers-Labor, the name of the Democratic party in Minnesota...). In other words, Minnesota wrote its updated law to avoid any explicit restriction based on "viability" to ensure problems occurring later in a pregnancy that threatened the life of the mother could be treated without legal uncertainty or delay. No one is leveraging that to arbitrarily terminate pregnancies near term.

Vance's coup de grace was perhaps his refusal to state who won the 2020 election and his claim that Trump peacefully transitioned power on January 20, 2021, ignoring people who were killed and hundreds of police who were attacked on January 6?

Vance and people like him might very well be more dangerous than Trump. They all support the same fascist fantasies of instantly purging all political persuasions they dislike out of government. They all support economic policies that continue concentrating wealth to billionaires and impoverishing a growing share of the population. But people like Vance can get up on a stage and still make it sound reasonable to the masses who have been cheated out of an education in basic history, math, science and morals.

While watching Vance's performance, all I could think about was Pink Floyd's Animals album. Particularly, the song Dogs. I'll only quote two verses here:


You gotta be crazy, you gotta have a real need
You gotta sleep on your toes, and when you're on the street
You gotta be able to pick out the easy meat with your eyes closed
And then moving in silently, down wind and out of sight
You gotta strike when the moment is right without thinking

And after a while, you can work on points for style
Like the club tie, and the firm handshake
A certain look in the eye and an easy smile
You have to be trusted by the people that you lie to
So that when they turn their backs on you,
You'll get the chance to put the knife in

There are still aspects of these debate opportunities that prove maddening. Walz missed opportunities to cement two essential points.

In the discussion regarding the mayhem in the middle east, Vance ended his answer with a comment to the effect that President Trump supports America's allies like Israel. Walz should have paused for dramatic effect, then asked Vance a question. "If Trump supports America's allies, why was he unable to state that he wants Ukraine to win its war defending itself from Russia while meeting face to face with Volodymyr Zelenskyy? Ukraine's perseverance at defending itself has destroyed vast amounts of Russia's military capabilities and shown its military technologies and leadership to be in a shambles yet Donald Trump seems to want to tip the balance back towards Russia. Why is that?"

In the discussion regarding abortion rights, Vance repeated the Republican talking point of "winning" the abortion battle by overturning Roe v Wade and returning it to the states so "the people" can choose as they see fit. If some want to restrict it and others do not, that's the way it should be. Walz made the correct point that when it comes to rights, we cannot operate a patchwork country where human rights vary state to state. However, he failed to mention the multitude of states in which Republican legislatures are FEVERISHLY attempting to add extra hurdles to PREVENT popular votes from overturning legislative votes produced by gerrymandered districts that FAIL to reflect the will of the people.

There's nothing "democratic" about what Republicans are trying to do with abortion restrictions at any level of government. It is important for ANY Democratic candidate to make this point any time the opportunity comes up because voting for Harris for President alone is not going to return abortion rights to ANY of these states. Voters MUST see and play the entire chess board in order to roll back these draconian bans. Key figures failing to point this out is political malpractice.


WTH